Komunistischer Aufbau, a revolutionary group from Germany, made an interview with us some time ago. Here we are republishing it for anybody interested.
Your organisation results from the unification of two communist organisations from two different states. What are your reasons for this in today’s communist movement rather uncommon decision?
It’s true that the decision to work in two countries as a single organisation is uncommon. But Croatia and Serbia are also not just any two countries. They share a language and history more closely than many other countries in Europe and were part of the same country for most of the last century. That does not mean that there are no challenges coming from the fact that the bourgeoisie and the state structure is different. Sometimes even political and economic dynamics are quite different. But the advantages are even bigger.
Not just the revolutionary movement, but even the Left in general is extremely weak in our countries, in ideological, strategical or organisational terms. By joining our organisations we are increasing our strength in at least the first two segments. Having the possibility to create a joint political line and make strategical assessments and plans helps us solve this pressing questions for any revolutionary organisation.
The other useful thing is solidarity across borders. As the political systems are different and the state structures don’t cooperate closely, the repression is not likely to hit us in both countries at the same time. But there is also another reason that is more symbolic. By unifying across borders we are also making a statement against social chauvinism that once in awhile emerges here on “the Left”. People who want to be socialists but also spread inter ethnic hatred don’t belong to the left, and that’s what we want to show by working across borders.
Can you explain the method of unification you used as far as it is possible for you in public?
Our organisations have had connections long before our decision to unify, but these connections were inadequate and irregular. We also share a common “tradition” as both our groups were inspired by Marxist-Leninist critique of former Yugoslavia and the life of Vlado Dapčević. But more than that, we shared a common understanding that the revolutionary movement needs a long-term political strategy and a strong organisational structure.
What we lacked so far was the initiative and a model for unification. The unification is still an ongoing process that was slowed down due to the pandemic, but we already have most joint structures established and functioning. We also don’t plan to establish structures for every tactical decision. Our joint work is mostly ideological and strategical. That is, we make a joint political line and strategy but tactical decisions remain on the local level.
So in practice, the organisation in Serbia knows best and is free to intervene in struggles in Serbia: whom to align with, what to support or oppose etc. in accordance with the general political line. The same for Croatia, of course. Then we periodically analyse these decisions through joint bodies. In this way we have unity but don’t paralyse actions by making every minor decision through slower joint structures.
Do you see other political or even communist forces in the Balkans you can possibly ally with in the future?
We are open to further unifications and hope it will eventualy happen and contribute to the much needed strengthening of revolutionary forces. Of course, just wishing it won’t make it happen and we shouldn’t just formally unify groups that can’t achieve real unity in ideology or strategy. Our hope is that our unification will also inspire other groups and initiatives to make more effort to clarify their political line. We don’t just mean that they choose their “international” or political tradition, but that they seriously think about how a revolutionary change could be possible. That would certainly help the development of revolutionary movement or the Left in general in the future.
There will also always be those on the Left with which we can’t unify because of ideological or issues of modes of struggle. But that doesn’t mean we can’t cooperate or build solidarity or relationship of comrades-in-arms with such actors. We certainly want to avoid mindless sectarianism between groups that don’t present forces of any significance by themselves. We want to look at all those democratic, antifascist, anti-chauvinist and socialist initiatives as current or potential allies and comrades. That’s our stance concerning the Left in former Yugoslavia. Concerning the broader Balkan area, we have very weak connections so far and we will attempt to correct this. We have established regular communication with a Greek organisation NAR on the basis of joint struggle against (social)chauvinism in the Balkans and of course maintain comradely relations with our Turkish/Kurdish comrades.
What are the next political, ideological and organizational goals of your organization? (As far as can be answered publicly)
First and foremost we are still a very weak organisation and shouldn’t fool ourselves or anybody else about this. How our recent reorganisation will change this depends on our efforts in the near future. As part of our unification process this year we plan to publish a joint theoretical journal and other publications but that plans don’t seem as important in this situation of pandemic. It should also be known that Zagreb was hit by a large earthquake in the middle of the lock down.
Currently, a large part of the Zagreb city centre is damaged and thousands of houses and apartments can’t be used anymore. This all means we are in a middle of a fierce class struggle – during a lock down. Where will the new homeless live? Who will repair their homes? Who will control the destroyed property? This are all the issues of struggle. At the same time the governments in both Serbia and Croatia are planing to “help the economy” by pumping public money into private accounts of capitalists and cutting already weak protections for the workers. In Serbia, workers of a Korean company recently refused to work because the state and owners allowed the virus to spread inside factories rather than endanger the profits. In Croatia, as in many other places, thousands are being fired with public money being transferred to their employers instead to the new unemployed. At the moment we are engaged in agitation in a situation of curfew which is very challenging.
The economical crisis has hit Croatia and Serbia paired with the Corona crisis as it is the case in other countries. How does the working
class suffer from this situation?
As in almost any other country it is the poor and the working class that are most hit by this pandemic. Those with smallest apartments find it harder to “self-isolate”, have less savings and resources etc. At the same time, the lowest paid workers now have to work more than ever, take most risk, and have no benefits from this situation. On top of everything they are hit by layoffs, cancellations of places to live etc… We are constantly told that we have to be socially responsible to stop the pandemic from spreading, but at the same time the bosses “show us solidarity” by endangering our life to save their private profits.
There are also some specificities in our countries. In terms of economy, Croatia and Serbia are very different. The Serbian comprador ruling class is trying to turn that country into a source of cheap labour for multinationals in manufacturing and also some services. To make this happen they are keeping workers rights and salaries at the minimum while giving large subsidies to foreign “investors” at the same time. During this crisis the government is trying everything it can to keep the factories working, endangering the workers. While workers have to work in insecure conditions, everyone else is under a strict curfew. This makes any type of protest impossible and will certainly serve as a precedent for other “extraordinary measures” against liberties later.
The economy of Croatia, on the other hand, is largely dependent on summer tourism, which will almost certainly totally collapse. In this situation, Croatia will face a catastrophic economic situation and at the moment no one doubts this. Now all that remains is to struggle over who will pay for this. The government plans to give huge subsidies to hoteliers while slashing public services and salaries. But this isn’t over yet, and the real response by the people will happen only after the lock down.
How do the people of your country react to the threat of Corona and the capitalist crisis?
It has to be said that the people have shown that they can self-organise in this difficult situation. Solidarity initiatives helping neighbours, whether because of the pandemic or earthquake, are everywhere. Of course, there is also the other side, the vulture capitalists that try to use this situation to make peoples’ lives even harder. The methods of struggle are very limited. Although the restrictions are different depending on country, everywhere they are aimed at suffocating resistance. In both Croatia and Serbia there have been cases of police brutality because of the curfew in recent days. Protests mostly occur making noise through the windows at certain times of the day etc. Also, the internet has never been so important in public life. Without it, it would be impossible to organise solidarity with workers who refuse to work in dangerous conditions or even to know about the level of destruction from the earthquake.
What kind of concrete international solidarity actions do you suggest for revolutionaries in the German speaking countries, that want to support your struggle?
A large part of foreign capital in both Croatia and Serbia is German. Also, German foreign policy often tries to be the dominant influence not only economically but also politically in our countries. That means that any sort of pressure on the German companies or government from inside Germany can help with struggles here, even when it’s just spreading information. It is our responsibility to inform German comrades about these struggles. We should and will do better at this in the future.
Also, several hundreds of thousands of Serbian and Croatian workers currently work in Germany. Organising them there can have a very positive influence on us here also. Many of them come home after some time. Almost all of them want to follow what’s going on in their countries of origin but perhaps didn’t come into contact with socialist ideas yet. In a situation when a large part of our younger workforce works abroad, we need help in reaching to them.
Finally, what the revolutionary movement in Croatia and Serbia also needs is knowledge and skills in organisation. Revolutionary organising is a serious thing that requires experience that is usually passed through an organised movement. Our countries have had a break in revolutionary practice and now we need to find our line and discover functioning methods from the beginning. Having good contacts with foreign comrades can speed-up this process.